This article is devoted to the issue of female agency in religious context. Author considers different definitions of agency and shows that it could be interpreted in the way which is different from the one typical to feminist liberal discourse. The article analyzes interconnections between religion and emancipation in Poland, showing that religion does not necessarily imply passivity and restraint. In order to prove this thesis, the author provides examples from empirical research of deeply faithful Catholic women as well as of members of new religious movement "Brahma Kumaris". The central issue is the ways women, in their practice, interpret the symbolism of maternity and the Virgin Mary.

Keywords: Catholicism, maternity, cult of Virgin Mary, "Brahma Kumaris", feminism, Poland.

ALTHOUGH Polish feminist thought is not bound by any single theory, it is united by the thesis that the main enemy of emancipation in Poland is Catholicism.1 Religion is perceived as a phenomenon that exerts a huge conservative influence on the public and private spheres. Much like this

This text is a revised version by the author, previously published as: Kościanska, A. (2012) " Twórcze odgrywanie Matki Polki i Matki Boskiej. Religia a symbolika macierzyńska w Polsce", w R. Hryciuk & E. Korolczuk (red.) Pożegnanie z Matką Polką? Dyskursy, praktyki i reprezentacje we współczesnej Polsce. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.

1. Например: Środa, M. (2007) "Kobiety, Kościół, katolicyzm", w Ch. Ockrent (red.) Czarna księga kobiet. Warszawa: W.A.B.

A. Koscianska Obraz polskoi matrii i Bogoroditsa: novoe ispol'zovanie simvoliki mater'stva [The image of the Polish Mother and the Virgin: a new use of the symbols of motherhood]. 2016. N 3. pp. 95-115.

Kościańska, Agnieszka (2016) "The Image of the Polish Mother, and Mother of God: New Uses of the Symbolism of Motherhood", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 34(3): 95-115.

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The approach is justified, because it was under the influence of the Roman Catholic Church that abortion was criminalized, in particular. However, this approach leads to the fact that feminists "do not see" the problems of women believers, ignore different types of behavior and practices within Polish Catholicism and non-Catholic religious communities.

In this article, I try to show that religion in Poland is not monolithic and offers women different models of behavior and self-perception. Firstly, it is a consequence of internal disagreements in the church: on one pole are the fundamentalists of Radio Maria, on the other-the Catholic intelligentsia from the weekly Tygodnik Powszechny. Secondly, this is due to features characteristic of popular religiosity, such as a strong cult of the Mother of God and a certain distance from priests. Finally, third, we must take into account the existence of other non-Catholic religious groups. In addition, many Polish women make more or less conscious efforts to "de-colonize" religion, 2 and to interpret spiritual issues in a way that is more women-oriented and directly aimed at improving their situation.3
Such, for example, are the new meanings and practices associated with motherhood. When it comes to motherhood in the context of religion in Poland, they usually refer to the symbolism associated with the Virgin Mary. The Mother of God is presented as a model of the mother woman; it is she who sets the life horizon of many religious women. The Mother of God symbolism is an important element of the main model of identity available to Polish women - the Polish mother model. However, a close look at the symbolism of the Mother of God reveals its ambiguity: the Mother of God is not always a passive executor of God's will; she is also a responsible, strong and independent woman. Polka women refer to her image in different ways and creatively rework the meanings that the Mother-Mother symbolism carries.

2. См.: Fernandes, L. (2003) Transforming Feminist Practice: Non-Violence, Social Justice and the Possibilities of a Spiritualized Feminism. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books.

3. См.: Leszczyńska, K., Kościańska, A. (red.) (2006) Kobiety i religie. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos".

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In this article, I show this ambiguity in the relationship between motherhood and religion and reflect on its implications for the agency of 4 (sprawczość) women. I do this by referring to examples drawn from ethnographic studies conducted among women believers: Catholic women living in villages in southeastern Poland (Lublin Voivodeship and Lesser Poland); in Warsaw and the surrounding area; and among out-of-church adherents of Brahma Kumaris, a new religious movement with Indian roots.5
Mother of God - the most beautiful from polish companies mothers

The connection of the image of the Polish Mother with the Mother of God in Polish culture is significant. This connection has already been the subject of many studies. 6 The Virgin is the ideal mother, even the ideal Polish mother. According to Elzbieta Ostrowska, it seems that the Motherland and the Mother of God form "the basis of the ideal of femininity in Polish culture, which is actualized in the figure of the Polish mother"7. This figure embodies social expectations for women and their role in the civil society created in the 19th century, based on the national idea. According to Elzbieta Matyn, it is nationalism, not liberalism, that underlies the Polish concept of citizenship.8 In this context, the Polish mother also acquires a political identity.-

4. In this case, the word sprawczość is still used, similar to the English term agency, which is widely used in the anthropological literature. - note.

5. I conducted research among Catholic women together with students of the Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology of the University of Warsaw in the framework of ethnographic projects that I led: Women Religious Leadership (2001-2003) and Religion and Gender (2003-2005). I worked with members of the Brahma Kumaris movement while collecting materials for my PhD thesis, mainly in 2002-2005. If no other source is specified, all interviews are from the author's archive.

6. См., например: Janion, M. (1996) Kobiety i duch inności. Warszawa: "Sic!"; Janion, M. (2006) Niesamowita słowiańszczyzna. Fantazmaty literatury. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie; Graff, A. Rykoszetem. Rzecz o płci, seksualności i narodzie; Ostrowska, E. (2004) "Matki Polki i ich synowie. Kilka uwag o genezie obrazów kobiecości i męskości w kulturze polskiej", w M. Radkiewicz (red.) Gender. Konteksty. Kraków: "Rabid".

7. Ostrowska, E. "Matki Polki i ich synowie. Kilka uwag o genezie obrazów kobiecości i męskości w kulturze polskiej", s. 222.

8. Matynia, E. (2003) "Provincializing Global Feminism: the Polish Case", Social Research 2: 521.

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It has a specific color. To better understand the symbolism and practice of the image of the Polish mother, it is worth taking a closer look at the Virgin Mary and the various ways to interpret this image.

Karol Wojtyla (John Paul II), who paid more attention to women's issues than other popes, writes in the apostolic letter Mulieris Dignitatem ("On the dignity of women") that the Mother of God is a model for all women. He puts it this way: "The biblical paradigm of 'women' reaches its climax in the motherhood of the Virgin"9 (the quotation marks are in the original). Being a mother is a woman's vocation, and Madonna and her motherhood are basically the only model available. Analyzing the attitude of Wojtyla and other contemporary theologians to this issue, Elzbieta Adamiak emphasizes that such an understanding leads to the perception of motherhood as the only vocation of women and thereby to a narrowing of their opportunities. In her opinion, this is a consequence of the cultural perception of women as "other", different from men; it is as a mother that "a woman is the most "different" " 10. Summing up the discussion on this topic, Adamyak asks the question, " is it theologically correct way to create an ideal image of a woman, which is later recognized as the only norm, while for a man such a single model does not exist, because many (!) such models are assumed. Why should there be only one for women? " 11.

Another controversial element associated with the motherhood of the Virgin Mary is the scene of the Annunciation. Words: "Let it be done unto me according to thy word" (Lk 1: 38) - have been for centuries and still remain the basis for perceiving the Virgin Mary as a woman obedient to God-a man, giving herself up as a sacrifice and weak-willed 12. The Catholic cult of the Virgin Mary can be seen as instilling obedience, passivity, and submission in women; this, however, is how feminist researchers of religion imagined it. However, according to Elj-

9. Jan Paweł II (2004) List apostolski Mulieris Dignitatem Ojca Świętego Jana Pawła II z okazji Roku Maryjnego O godności i powołaniu kobiety. Wrocław: Tum.

10. Adamiak, E. (1999) Milcząca obecność. O roli kobiety w Kościele, s. 63. Warszawa: Biblioteka "Więzi".

11. Ibid.

12. Adamiak, E. (2000) "Znaczenie tradycji duchowości kobiet dla teologii współczesnej", w E. Pakszys, L. Sikorska (red.) Duchowość i religijność kobiet dawniej i dziś, s.129. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Fundacji Humaniora.

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bethe Adamyak, another interpretation is possible. Feminists working in theology turn in particular to the writings of St. Hildegard of Bingen, who sees these evangelical words in the sense of responsibility and the ability to make decisions on behalf of all humanity, that is, both sexes. 13 We can say that this is a manifestation of women's social activity. In this sense, the humility of the Virgin Mary is her strength.

It is worth adding that the existing interpretations are not limited to theology. The cult of the Mother of God in folk or popular religion is extremely syncretic; for example, the Mother of God is counted among the Holy Trinity. It also allows women to draw strength from personal contacts with the Mother of God, which occur in prayers and dreams.14
Even a cursory analysis of the literature on gender issues in Poland shows that the connection between the image of the Polish mother and religion and Polish identity with Catholicism is considered obvious and is often simply accepted on faith without a more detailed analysis of the influence of religion on how Polish women and Polish mothers follow their prescribed roles and requirements in everyday affairs. In addition, secularization theory still dominates the religious literature and research on the sociology of religion, which, as Jose Casanova writes, is not so much a description of the real situation as a self-fulfilling prediction. Secularization is a liberal and Eurocentric view of the history of religion, suggesting that the gradual decline of religion will lead to the development and strengthening of democracy and human rights in the world. The case of Poland shows that this should not always be the case - religiosity can help in the struggle for democracy, and democracy should not mean the end of religion.15 Before I go on to analyze the various interpretations of the image of the Virgin Mary-Mother in practice, I should say a few general words about religion in Poland.

In Polish and foreign feminist literature concerning Poland, the belief that religion is not a religion is firmly rooted.-

13. Adamiak, E. "Znaczenie tradycji duchowości kobiet dla teologii współczesnej", s. 130.

14. Bierca, M. (2006) "Mistyka typu ludowego. Kobieca pobożność maryjna w świetle teologii feministycznej", w K. Leszczyńska, A. Kościańska (red.) Kobiety i religie. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos".

15. Casanova, J. (2004) "Polska katolicka w postchrześcijańskiej Europie, przeł. Tomasz Wiścicki", Więź 5: 51-64.

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take significant responsibility for women's issues 16. As I have already said, this is primarily due to the activities of the church, which actively supported the adoption of the law banning abortions. I get the impression that this issue completely overshadows other areas of women's life, as well as the fact of religious diversity in Poland. This approach ignores the needs and actions of religious women, who may have different aspirations for religious reform. Feminism seems to "orientalize" our religion and believers, considering them as a mass devoid of an active position and history. In doing so, it denies religious women the right to vote and be active, ignoring or downplaying their efforts to decolonize religion.18
As I have already pointed out, the inner diversity, in one way or another, manifests itself in different aspects of religion. In addition to the mentioned heterogeneity of the church, it is worth paying attention to the level of religious knowledge and compliance with the rules of faith. Irena Borowik and Tadeusz Doktur19, based on quantitative studies of Poles (a representative sample), draw attention to the high level of syncretism. For example, 27% of respondents who describe themselves as very religious and 43% of those who say they are not religious do not believe in the church's vision of salvation.20 Also, as Dorota Hall proves in the study

16. См., например: Holc, J.P. (2004) "The Purest Democrat: Fetal Citizenship and Subjectivity in the Construction of Democracy in Poland", Signs. Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29(3): 755-782; Środa, M. "Kobiety, Kościół, katolicyzm"; Zielińska, E. (2000) "Between Ideology, Politics, and Common Sense: the Discourse of Reproductive Rights in Poland", in S. Gal, G. Kligman (eds) Reproducing Gender: Politics, Publics, and Everyday Life after Socialism. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

17. On the" orientalization " of public discourse in Poland during the transition period, see Buchowski, M. (2008) "Widmo orientalizmu w Europie. Od egzotycznego Innego do napiętnowanego swojego", Recykling Idei 10: 98-107.

18. See, for example, on feminist theology: Środa, M. (2007) "Jezus był rzecznikiem równości", W. M. Walus [et al.] Kobiety uczą Kościół. Warszawa: W. A. B. Of course, this does not apply to all feminist works on religion (see, for example: Tomaszewska, J. (2002)" Katoliczki i feministki", Zadra 2(11) [http://www.efka.org.pl/index.php?action=z_art&ID=105, accessed on 01.06.2012].)

19. Borowik, I. (2002) "Przemiany religijności polskiego społeczeństwa", w M. Marody (red.) Wymiary życia społecznego. Polska na przełomie XX i XXI wieku. Warszawa: Scholar; Borowik, I., Doktór, T. (2001) Pluralizm religijny i moralny w Polsce. Raport z badań. Kraków: "Nomos".

20. Borowik, I. "Przemiany religijności polskiego społeczeństwa", s. 393; Borowik, I., Doktór, T. Pluralizm religijny i moralny w Polsce. Raport z badań, ss. 111-120.

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New Age movements in Poland 21, most Polish followers of the Indian spiritual mentor Sai Baba and other New Age gurus call themselves Catholics and place his figurines on home altars next to images of the Mother of God. Speaking about religion in Poland, one cannot ignore the phenomenon of popular religiosity 22. Its most important feature is, among other things, a certain distance from the priests.23 This is of great importance for the situation of women, because it creates the possibility for more independent leadership on their part, for example, in the framework of May services held away from the church and without the participation of clergy.24
Even the topic of abortion itself is not so simple. The role of the Church in criminalizing abortion is something entirely new. This is evidenced at least by the fact that in the 1980s the "Spiritual Adoption"movement25 had to seek approval from the hierarchs of the church for a long time.26 It should also not be forgotten that Andrzej Wielewiejski, one of the leading representatives of the Catholic intelligentsia, in the 1990s presented a draft liberalizing the law on the prohibition of abortion in accordance with the German model, which requires consultation before performing surgery, arguing that this is a more effective method of restricting abortions27.

Finally, continuing our thoughts, we should remind you that religion in Poland is not only Catholicism. There are other Christian denominations - Orthodox, Uniates, Mariavi-

21. Hall, D. (2007) New Age w Polsce. Lokalny wymiar globalnego zjawiska. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Akademickie i Profesjonalne.

22. See, for example: Zowczak, M. (2008) "Między tradycją a komercją", Znak 3: 31-44.

23. Mikołejko, A. (2001) Tradycja i nowe drogi wiary. Obrazy religijności polskiej w latach 1918-1939. Warszawa: Wydział Polonistyki: Uniwersytet Warszawski.

24. This is a common form of Marian worship in Catholicism, which includes rites inside and outside the church and the coronation of the Virgin Mary as the "Queen of May". - note.

25. This refers to the movement that emerged in the 1980s for the "spiritual" (not legal) adoption of an embryo whose life is in danger, which involves prayers for it during pregnancy. - note.

26. Świstow, K. (2007) Fenomen "obrony życia" w Polsce jako praktyka radykalnej prawicy (na przykładzie Duchowej Adopcji Dziecka Poczętego) praca magisterska. Warszawa: Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.

27. Wielowieyski, A. (2007) "Aborcji zakazem nie ograniczymy", Gazeta Wyborcza, 20.10.2007 [http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,4594427.html, accessed on 04.06.2012].

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There are also Protestants of various persuasions; Muslims, followers of Asian religions (Buddhism, Hinduism), as well as members of new religious movements and "New Age" movements live in Poland; recently there has been a revival of Judaism. All these religions define femininity or motherhood differently and are in the process of syncretization.

Drawing attention to the complexity of religious processes in Poland, I do not claim that the Roman Catholic Church has no influence on the public sphere or legislative initiatives. I just want to show that the religious field in the country is quite complex, religion affects the structure of everyday life in different ways and provides many opportunities for changing identity and behavior strategies in everyday life. This also applies to the role of the Virgin Mary image and the motherhood model.

Agency level

Michael Herzfeld coined the term "social poetics" in cultural anthropology, which expresses opposition to any situation by changing features that are considered characteristic of a given culture; this is a kind of stereotype game. Such actions are often nonverbal in nature - they can be gestures or playing up certain behaviors, for example, silence 29. In such a context, the active action of the subject, that is, the action that aims to make a certain change, can be defined differently in specific contexts 30. Analysis of the activities of religious women who, in various contexts, can creatively transform the meaning of religion.-

28. Мариавитская церковь - Kościół Starokatolicki Mariawitów - особая "старокатолическая" церковь, основанная на богородичном культе и созданная женщиной в XIX в. В двадцатые годы XX в. в Мариавитской церкви рукополагали женщин в священники. См.: Broda, A. (2006) "Maria Franciszka Kozłowska. Próba analizy wizerunku założycielki mariawityzmu", w K. Leszczyńska, A. Kościańska (red.) Kobiety i religie. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos"; Podgórski, R. (1998) Religijność wiernych Starokatolickiego Kościoła Mariawitów. Studium historyczno-socjologiczne. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos".

29. Herzfield, M. (1991) Silence, Submission, and Subversion: Towards a Poetics of Womanhood, in P. Loizos, E. Papataxiarchis (eds) Contested Identities: Gender and Kinship in Modern Greece. Princeton and Chichister: Princeton University Press; Herzfield, M. (2007) Zażyłość kulturowa. Poetyka społeczna w państwie narodowym, przeł. Michał Buchowski. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego.

30. См. также: Mahmood, S. (2001) "Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival", Cultural Anthropology 16(2): 202-236.

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The power to draw from faith-based adherence to religious rules or ascetic discipline requires a revision of the prevailing understanding of the concept of agency in feminism and many social theories, which is usually associated with the liberal-secular model of behavior in the public sphere. 31 In general, feminism always emphasizes the autonomy of the individual, and therefore does not take into account the experience and actions of religious women - those who believe in the existence of the soul and God and, when making a particular life choice, put it within the framework set by their belief in the existence of a transcendent 32. For this reason, the use of the term "agency"in relation to an action resulting from submission to discipline and religious beliefs, it is considered unauthorized. Although the existence of complex dependencies is recognized, the idea of autonomy remains at the center of the discussion. One example of a more nuanced understanding of agency based on the experience of women believers is the work of Pamela Klassen34. Klassen studies religious women, both Jewish and Christian, who have decided to give birth at home and have abandoned the benefits of modern medicine. They perceive the pain of childbirth as a positive experience that increases their self-esteem, because only women can get such an experience - for men it is not available. From a feminist-liberal point of view, this phenomenon can be considered, with some simplification, strengthening the bond of wives-

31. Например: Eduards, M.L. (1994) "Women's Agency and Collective Action", Women's Studies Forum 17 (2-3): 181-186; Giddens, A. (2003) Stanowienie społeczeństwa: zarys teorii strukturacji, przeł. Stefan Amsterdamski. Poznań: Zysk i S-ka; McNay, L. (2000) Gender and Agency: Reconfiguring the Subject in Feminist and Social Theory. Cambridge and Malden: Polity Press in association with Blackwell Publishers.

32. См. критику упрощенного феминистского подхода: Mack, Ph. (2003) "Religion, Feminism, and the Problem of Agency: Reflections on Eighteenth Century Quakerism", Signs. Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29(1): 149-177; Mahmood, S. "Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival".

33. См., например: Offen, K. (1988) "Defining Feminism: a Comparative Historical Approach", Signs. Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14(1): 119-157; Werbner, P. (2007) "Upolitycznione macierzyństwo i feminizacja obywatelstwa: ruchy kobiece i transformacja sfery publicznej, przeł. Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz", w R.E. Hryciuk, A. Kościańska (red.) Gender. Perspektywa antropologiczna, t. 1, Organizacja społeczna. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.

34. Klassen, P.E. (2001) "Sacred Maternities and Postbiomedicatl Bodies: Religion and Nature in Contemporary Home Birth", Signs. Journal of Women in Culture and Society 23(3): 775-809; см. также: Asad, T. (2003) Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

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close proximity to home and nature 35. However, Klassen offers a different interpretation. She points out that because of the power that these women claim to have received from God, they are speaking out, just like feminists, against the depersonalization of the female body that is taking place in modern medicine. The author draws attention to the fact that home birth, from the point of view of religious women, is a spiritual experience that can add strength 36. At the same time, Klassen emphasizes, these women are not careless in their actions: if there are complications during childbirth, they are ready to resort to professional medical care. They are also pragmatic about their husbands: they recognize their God-given superiority, but at the same time they constantly discuss relationships with them.37 Similar mechanisms are found in many right-wing or nationalist movements, both in the West and in countries of the global South, 38 or in general in many movements that refer to religion or use religious rhetoric. 39
Phyllis Mack also discusses how to include the experience of religious women in the discussion of women's agency.40 To understand religion, we need to talk about agency even in cases where autonomy is less important, and the emphasis is more on overcoming oneself, devotion to God and the energy received through it

35. Klassen, P.E. "Sacred Maternities and Postbiomedicatl Bodies: Religion and Nature in Contemporary Home Birth", p. 803.

36. Ibid., p. 802.

37. Ibid.

38. См., например: Yuval-Davis, N., Werbner, P. (eds) (1999) Women, Citizenship and Difference. London and New York: Zed Books; Kowalska, B. (2006) "Kobiety a fundamentalizm na przykładzie Nowej Prawicy Chrześcijańskiej w USA i Islamskiej Republiki Iranu", w K. Leszczyńska, A. Kościańska (red.) Kobiety i religie. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos".

39. Mahmood, S. "Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival"; Pędziwiatr, K. (2006) "Religijny wymiar wolności i społecznego zaangażowania wśród muzułmanek w Belgii i Wielkiej Brytanii", w K. Leszczyńska, A. Kościańska (red.) Kobiety i religie. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos". Of course, such a mechanism can lead to the fact that women's activism will be appropriated by nationalist leaders, and on this basis women's groups will arise that openly sympathize with bloody regimes (see, for example, on Nazi Germany - Rommelspacher, B. (1999) "Right-Wing 'Feminism': a Challenge to Feminism as an Emancipatory Movement", in N. Yuval-Davis, P. Werbner (eds) Women, Citizenship and Difference. London and New York: Zed Books).

40. Mack, Ph. "Religion, Feminism, and the Problem of Agency: Reflections on Eighteenth Century Quakerism", p. 156.

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and motivation to act. The Iec analyzes the experience of eighteenth-century Quaker women involved in the struggle for social equality. They set goals for social change, but they were devoted to God and were subject to strict intra-group discipline. Their freedom consisted in doing the " right thing "(and this was defined by God), being God's instrument in the world. Importantly, the group's actions were a response to modernization, but they were also attracted to Enlightenment ideals. 41 Quakers legitimized behavior that went against social norms (such as women's participation in public activities) because of their connection to God, because they spoke on his behalf. They thus went beyond the prescribed gender boundaries, although there were often internal conflicts.42 Their agency was at odds with the accepted models of femininity of their time. However, they gained a spiritual authority that transcended gender 43 - what the Iec calls spiritual agency.

Thus, the experiences and actions of religious women - and more generally, of all believers-cannot be explained within the feminist-liberal understanding of agency. Believers do not rely on autonomy, do not strive for absolute freedom, but often, on the contrary, draw strength from submission (for example, to the community). Nevertheless, it is difficult to consider them an example of passivity. Their behavior may be an expression of protest or a way to deal with the situation that has arisen. In this case, various elements of culture are recomposed, or, as Herzfeld would say, playing with stereotypes is an act of "social poetics." 44
Our Lady, polish version Mother: creative usage images

Here are two examples of social poetics based on the illiberal model of agency to show the dynamic nature of the relationship between religion and motherhood in Poland. The first example concerns Catholicism. Let's give the floor to one of the opros-

41. Ibid., p. 161.

42. Ibid., pp. 163-166.

43. Ibid., p. 169.

44. Подробнее о подобном понимания агентности см.: Kościańska, A. (2009) Potęga ciszy. Konwersja a rekonstrukcja porządku płci na przykładzie nowego ruchu religijnego Brahma Kumaris. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.

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shennykh, a retired teacher (58 years old) living in one of the settlements near Warsaw:

So, for me, the greatest standard is the Mother of God. Even though she was the mother of God, she was a humble person. She was always quiet. It wasn't entered. I did the most mundane things. She just was. (...) Served. I served the Lord God, Jesus. I served other people in my family. Served strangers. And I believe that this is the most perfect role model. (...) I try to look up to her. I have such a desire for women to imitate the Mother of God, to hold their own language, their emotions. We see that everyone is becoming more and more distant from the Lord God, from the commandments. You've become more vulgar, haven't you? And they should behave quietly and be guided not by their own ambitions, no matter what, but by the good of their family 45.

The interviewee is a very religious person: she participates in the life of her parish and prays for the local community, 46 takes part in meetings of an informal circle formed around a soothsayer who is not recognized by the church, 47 is engaged in healing, prays for sinners from Poland and around the world, as well as for souls suffering in purgatory, observes fasting and accepts take on illnesses in order to help others in this way. Through her work, she has met many religious women from all over Poland, and is friendly with several of them. She travels a lot: meets with soothsayers and soothsayers, goes on pilgrimage, visits strangers who have come to her with health or mental problems. Her friends publish books with recordings of visions, discuss them during meetings,

45. The interview was conducted by Dorota Lubinska, 02.12.2002, Archive of the Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology of the University of Warsaw, Laboratory "Women Religious Leadership".

46. In a conversation with me, she recalls how during the flood in 1997, she saved her village in this way.

47. Об этом кружке, см.: Łubińska, D. (2006) "Religijność kobiet ze Wspólnoty Małych Rycerzy Miłosiernego Serca Jezusowego", w K. Leszczyńska, A. Kościańska (red.) Kobiety i religie. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos"; Kościańska, A. (2005) "Legion of Small Knights: Informal Movements within the Polish Roman Catholic Church", w G.N. Lundskow (red.) Religious Innovation in a Global Age: Essays on the Construction of Spirituality. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company; Kościańska, A. (2009) "The ‘Power of Silence': Spirituality and Women's Agency beyond the Catholic Church in Poland", Focaal - European Journal of Anthropology 53: 56-71.

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they organize to help each other (both spiritually and financially), and they feel responsible for their country, which, in their opinion, will not survive without their prayer and the mission they preach. The other person's behavior may seem to contradict her words. How does such active activity, often even leading and certainly beyond the domestic sphere, combine with the traditional attitude of women focused on family and motherhood; how does teaching reconcile with meekness, leadership in Polish informal religious groups and work for the benefit of the Motherland-with the rejection of ambition?

The key to answering this question can only be a creative interpretation of the image of the Mother of God and the role that the mother should play. Respondents who speak about the emphasis on family, meekness, modesty and submission to the male God, as the Virgin Mary obeyed Him, do not mean passivity and isolation in the private sphere. An illiberal interpretation of agency can make it easier for us to understand this process. Prayer, silence, fasting-these are the forms of action that bring tangible results in the lives of religious women. Whether they actually saved their locality from flooding through prayer is a matter of faith, but new acquaintances, travel, published books, speaking at national meetings of believers, and leading informal communities (like mothers leading their families, according to informants) are already facts that strengthen the position of women in the family and society. in the community and to some extent change the ideas about the role of women in society. Thus, agency can be defined in different ways: by following the path of the Mother of God, referring to the symbolism of the Polish mother responsible for her homeland, and based on the care that every mother should show, these women can change their lives and give new meanings to the symbolism of motherhood. Spiritual strength obtained through prayer, silence, and fasting gives strength in this life. Martha Bertsa, 48 who has studied the cult of the Virgin Mary in a village where this new meaning of the old symbolism is particularly noticeable, draws attention to such mechanisms. 49 Contact with the Virgin

48. These studies were also conducted as part of the Women Religious Leadership project.

49. Bierca, M. "Mistyka typu ludowego. Kobieca pobożność maryjna w świetle teologii feministycznej".

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Mary during prayer or vision-this is what those who turn to the Mother of God want. Here, too, humility and submission become sources of strength.50
The image of the Polish mother is perceived a little differently by women who have moved away from Catholicism and joined the new religious movement of Indian origin "Brahma Kumaris". This organization was founded in 1936 in the province of Sindh, now part of Pakistan. After the partition of India, the movement moved to Mount Abu in Rajasthan and gradually became prominent in the Indian subcontinent.51 In Western Europe and North America, the Brahma Kumaris community, like other new religious movements, emerged in the wake of youth protest movements in the West in 1968.52 Centers were also established in other parts of the world. The founder and head of the Polish branch comes from a small village in southern Poland. Raised as a Catholic, she emigrated to Canada in the 1970s, where she met and joined the movement. After three years of what she describes as intensive spiritual practice, despite the unfavorable political situation of the early 1980s, she decided to return to Poland and devote her life to spreading the movement 53.

Currently, the movement operates in Warsaw, Gdansk, Lodz, Katowice and Krakow. Even though the default number is-

50. Ibid., s. 137.

51. For" Brahma Kumaris "in India, see Babb, L. A. (1984) "Indigenous Feminism in a Modern Hindu Sect", Signs. Journal of Women in Culture and Society 9(3): 399-416; Babb, L. A. (1986) Redemptive Encounters: Three Modern Styles in the Hindu Tradition. Berkley: University of California Press; Skultans, V. (1993) "The Brahma Kumaris and the Role of Women", in E. Puttick, P.B. Clarke (eds) Women as Teachers and Disciples in Traditional and New Religions. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press.

52. См.: Howell, J.D., Nelson, P.L. (2000) "The Brahma Kumaris in the Western world, part II: Demographic Change and Secularization in an Asian New Religious Movement", Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion 11: 225-239; Walliss, J. (2002) The Brahma Kumaris as a ‘Reflexive Tradition': Responding to Late Modernity. Aldershot: Ashgate.

53. For" Brahma Kumaris " in Poland, see, in particular: Doktór, T. (1991) Ruchy kultowe. Psychologiczna charakterystyka uczestników. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos"; Zimniak-Hałajko, M. (2003) Raj oswojony. Antropologia nowych ruchów religijnych. Gdańsk: Słowo/Obraz Terytoria; Kościańska, A. Potęga ciszy. Konwersja a rekonstrukcja porządku płci na przykładzie nowego ruchu religijnego Brahma Kumaris.

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The number of permanent members is small (several dozen people), "Brahma Kumaris" has a large group of supporters, including in influential circles. The overwhelming majority in both cases are women who were brought up in the Catholic tradition. Members of the movement usually work and have families. Only a few people live in meditation centers and devote themselves entirely to activities for the benefit of the organization. Most of my female interlocutors are middle-aged.

The movement raises women's self-esteem both in a symbolic sense - for example, by making the" feminine principle " active and postulating that it is necessary for the reconstruction of the world-and in a practical sense: the power of the movement, spiritual and administrative, is almost exclusively women's 54. In addition, the group organizes workshops aimed at a wide audience, cultivating women's leadership in business, politics, and the media.55
It is also worth adding that from the very beginning, the teaching of Brahma Kumaris was syncretic.56 In order for women to seize power over the world and lead to its spiritual transformation, they must first begin by working on themselves, which consists of spiritual practice. The most effective is considered to be raja yoga-a meditation technique and lifestyle that is mandatory for members of the movement. Among other things, the components of this spiritual practice are as follows: daily meditation, strict vegetarianism, associated with ritualized rules at the same time.-

54. Женское лидерство является также решающим элементом для присоединения к движению (см. Kościańska, A. (2008) "Charyzmatyczne liderki. Przywództwo duchowe w ruchu Brahma Kumaris", w I. Borowik, J. Doktór, M. Libiszowska-Żółtkowska (red.) Oblicza religii i religijności. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos"; Kościańska, A. Potęga ciszy. Konwersja a rekonstrukcja porządku płci na przykładzie nowego ruchu religijnego Brahma Kumaris). As one of the subjects says about the leader of the movement: "It was so loving... It's not just the words that cause such emotions, experiences, just the whole personality, all the vibrations that I feel for it, all this gentle level of personality gives such experiences. I think only a woman can give such experiences."

55. Efforts in this direction began in the 1980s, when a partial secularization of the movement began, especially outside India (see: Howell, J. D., Nelson, P. L. "The Brahma Kumaris in the Western World, part II: Demographic Change and Secularization in an Asian New Religious Movement"; Walliss, J. The Brahma Kumaris as a Reflexive Tradition': Responding to Late Modernity).

56. См.: Walliss, J. The Brahma Kumaris as a ‘Reflexive Tradition': Responding to Late Modernity. For Poland and gender issues, see Kościanska, A. (2006) " Brahma Kumaris. Między celibatem a macierzyństwem", w K. Leszczyńska, A. Kościańska (red.) Kobiety i religie. Kraków: Zakład Wydawniczy "Nomos".

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food preparation, sexual abstinence, keeping calm, proper lifestyle 57. Women's leadership in the Brahma Kumaris movement in Poland is shaped by maternal symbolism, which, of course, contains notes of the image of the Polish mother 58. As the female leader of the movement in Poland says:

A woman has very unique qualities as a mother. These qualities are patience, understanding, and motherly care. Raising a child is the greatest task. Not only to give birth, but also to raise - this role is performed by a woman. While the man is free. (...) In order to spiritually educate a person, this function can only be performed by women, because they have the qualities of a mother. Tolerance, patience, endurance, loyalty, love, self-sacrifice.

Sexual abstinence theoretically precludes motherhood, but in the case of the study group, this is not the case: first, most of the participants of the Polish branch already have children (born at a time when they were not yet members of it), and secondly, maternal symbolism is noticeably present in the spiritual life of this group and is at the heart of concepts of women's leadership in this movement 59. However, this understanding of motherhood is somewhat different than in Catholicism. The subjects, on the one hand, distance themselves from the model of the Polish mother and Mother of God, are critical of the idea of excessive self-sacrifice represented in this symbolism, and on the other hand, pay attention to the spiritual character of the Polish mother: her "moral level" and "big heart"60.

According to the Brahma Kumaris teaching, the role of a woman is to serve others, but at the same time she must have time for herself and engage in her own spiritual development. The Polish mother model is criticized precisely because

57. Подробнее см.: Kościańska, A. Potęga ciszy. Konwersja a rekonstrukcja porządku płci na przykładzie nowego ruchu religijnego Brahma Kumaris.

58. Kościańska, A. Potęga ciszy. Konwersja a rekonstrukcja porządku płci na przykładzie nowego ruchu religijnego Brahma Kumaris, ch. 4.

59. This point distinguishes the movement in Poland to some extent from Indian communities (see Kościanska, A. " Brahma Kumaris. Między celibatem a macierzyństwem"; Babb, L.A. "Indigenous Feminism in a Modern Hindu Sect").

60. Prawdziwa kobieta (1994) Sprawozdanie z programu Brahma Kumaris, 20-22 maja, Łódź, maszynopis, s. 4.

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according to informants, it leads to the fact that women are desperate to do everything themselves, are nervous, and instead of teaching their children to act independently, they always do everything for them. Rather, they should develop the power of shakti, which takes on a new meaning in the Polish context. Shakti is a female active force that women develop through raja yoga and is involved in creating a Golden Age for the common good. This fits well with the Polish understanding of the role of a woman, a Polish mother, acting for the good of the Fatherland. However, shakti, unlike the image of the Polish mother, is associated with the good of all mankind, and not just the national community. Members of Brahma Kumaris appreciate the symbolism of Polish motherhood and emphasize that the situation of women in Poland is better than that of women in the West: "The difference lies in greater independence of thinking and feeling, following spiritual values and fantasies in life rather than material values." 61
This example demonstrates a creative reading of symbols and stereotypes. Although the subjects are very critical of Catholic ideals, there are some elements in their statements and lifestyle that are strongly associated with the Mother of God and the symbolism of the Polish mother: concern for society, humility, submission. At the same time, they are critical of the Catholic model precisely because of the excess of these qualities. Women in the Brahma Kumaris movement base their agency on submission and silence62, although this submission is undoubtedly more reflexive. Data collected from biographical interviews show that the problems that arise from being a woman and a mother have given rise to a spiritual quest; for Brahma Kumaris members, as well as for Catholic women, the ideals of motherhood are the basis for transformation: for example, the reorganization of family life and activities outside the church. beyond the domestic sphere, and often directly aimed at emancipation.

61. Ibid., s. 3.

62. Meditation in silence and a peaceful way of life, see also: Kościanska, A. Potęga ciszy. Konwersja a rekonstrukcja porządku płci na przykładzie nowego ruchu religijnego Brahma Kumaris.

63. For more husband involvement in domestic affairs, see Kościanska, A. (2008)" On Celibate Marriages: Conversion to the Brahma Kumaris in Poland", in F. Pine, J. de Pina-Cabral (eds) On the Margins of Religion. Oxford: Berghahn Books; Kościańska, A. Potęga ciszy. Konwersja a rekonstrukcja porządku płci na przykładzie nowego ruchu religijnego Brahma Kumaris.

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Conclusions

In both cases analyzed, the inclusion of women in the activities of religious communities led to changes in their lives (new acquaintances, social activity, new relationships with loved ones) and allowed them to take on leadership functions. Sometimes these changes may seem insignificant and have nothing to do with emancipation. If we accept a liberal understanding of agency, we will conclude that these women are deprived of it - because they do not seek to free themselves from institutions that hold them back, such as the family or religious community. Rather, they focus on changing these institutions, which happens imperceptibly in the course of everyday practices. Sometimes the results of their activities are almost invisible, and they do not always declare the need for radical changes; for example, Catholic women do not welcome the ordination of women, and members of the Brahma Kumaris do not divorce their husbands. However, we should not underestimate their achievements. On a symbolic level, they reinterpret motherhood, criticizing the Catholic model that offers women only one model, and on a social level, they are actors who creatively approach their life's difficulties, often related to gender.

Here are two dimensions of motherhood in Poland. On the one hand, it is true that for many women it remains the only way in life, while everything else is just an addition to it. On the other hand, through a "creative" approach, motherhood can become a tool used by women to change this state of affairs. In this context, it is worth recalling the old feminist postulate that the personal is political. Perhaps it will allow us to see in part even the protest, transformative potential of the symbolism of motherhood, which in our culture is constituted through the domestic sphere. This postulate is particularly important in Poland, where revolutions have repeatedly used the language of religion, and began in the kitchen-away from the public sphere captured by the oppressors. Perhaps this women's revolt will change the balance of power, both at the kitchen table and at the altar.

Translation with polish Tatiana Krechko

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